
My First 100 Days
Lower costs. Clean government. Land, water, freedom. Here's the same plan laid out on a calendar — what I sign on Day One, what starts the first week, the first month, the first budget, and the bills I deliver for the first session. Every promise still rolls up to one of three fights.
One-Line Policy Reference
Every promise on this page, boiled down to one sentence — grouped by when I can first act on it, tagged with the fight it serves and the power it uses.
Download the one-line reference (PDF)First 100 Days
This is the by-the-clock version of my plan. Same promises as the three-fights page — just sorted by when you can hold me to them. Each item shows which power I use, which fight it serves, and ends in a box you check when it's done.
How to read this.
Most politicians keep their timing vague, because a promise with no date can never be late. I do the opposite — every item below sits under the moment I can first act on it: Day One, the first week, the first month, the first budget, the first session. When a box runs late, you get the reason in public, at community office hours and on the accountability dashboard. The little colored chip on each item tells you which of the three fights it belongs to.
The work is bigger than me.
This checklist isn't meant just for me — I invite every candidate and elected official to publish their own accountability the same way. I want a clean government for the people and by the people, and I've built it hoping it outlasts me and that others adopt the method. A government that is checkable, open, and communication-oriented is the fundamental building block for rebuilding trust — especially across the political divide of our time. That's also why this page is honest about the limits of the office. Many of the priorities below — the legislative bills especially — a governor cannot do alone, and I say so plainly. I'll push fiercely for every item here, but checks and balances mean Minnesotans elect officials who represent them, and we work together to make a Minnesota for working people. My job is to be a negotiator, a delegator, and an administrator who brings everyone to the same table. I look forward to working with everyday Minnesotans of all backgrounds and their elected officials to pass as many of these priorities as we can — while keeping a balanced budget. And where a goal can't be reached on the timeline below, I'll stand up a task force to research how to get it done effectively and efficiently in Minnesota.
The clock at a glance
Day One
The pen and the wall — executive orders signed, the veto up.
The First Week
Convene, pause, and open the talks.
The First Month
Seat the boards, start enforcing, open the books.
The First Budget
The dollars — every one scored by Minnesota Management & Budget.
The First Session
The bills I deliver with the math, and you help pass.
Four kinds of power, in plain words
PROTECT
The veto. Defending a law Minnesota already has — the wall goes up Day One and stands for four years.
DO NOW
Mine alone, no waiting. Enforce the law, seat regulators, spend money the budget already set aside.
SIGN
An executive order, Day One. No permission needed.
PASS
A bill the House and Senate must pass. This is a priority I fight for, not something the governor controls — the Legislature holds the pen here. These carry two boxes: the first is mine when I deliver the bill with the math shown; the second only when the Legislature passes it and it's signed into law. That second box is yours too — send me the members who'll vote for it.
Every box rolls up to one of three fights
Lower what you pay
Rent, child care, medical, utilities, school costs, taxes.
Make this office answer to you
Open books, no insider deals, a watchdog pointed up at the powerful, not down at families.
Protect your land, water, and freedom
No one outside your household gets to override the people inside it.
PROTECTFight1Guard the pocketbook laws Minnesota already won — for four years.
- The veto wall stands every day over the insulin cap, paid family leave, earned sick time, covered school meals, the Child Tax Credit, covered college tuition under $80,000 (the North Star Promise), and the climate law that puts Minnesota on clean electricity by 2040.
SIGNFight2Government should answer to you.
- Ethics order on Day One: publish every conflict-of-interest report, ban insider stock trading by me and my appointees, make government open by default — no gag orders, no secret silence deals. Answer records requests on time and in full, and protect every whistleblower.
PROTECTFight3No government in your family's medical decisions.
- The veto wall guards your freedoms for four years: your private medical decisions stay between you and your doctor — including the right to an abortion, with no government in the exam room. No special session, no court fight, and no pressure out of Washington moves this desk.
- And the same wall stands for transgender Minnesotans and their families: the care they count on — counseling, hormone therapy, and the other medically recognized treatment their own doctors provide — stays legal and protected, the way the Trans Refuge law already promises, with those decisions left to patients, parents, and physicians, not politicians. A free state does not let one family's rights be traded away to score points on another's.
SIGNFight3Stop selling Minnesotans' private lives.
- Bar the state from selling your location and health data to brokers, and require a warrant before any bulk surveillance. You shouldn't be logged, located, and sold for going to work, to church, to a mosque, or to a clinic. The warrant rule covers everyone the same — real threats still get investigated, with a warrant — but no one gets watched for how they pray. That ends the state's part in the kind of religion-based monitoring that singled out Somali and Muslim Minnesotans in Cedar-Riverside after 2001.
SIGNFight3Your trooper patrols your roads, not your neighbor.
- Keep the State Patrol and state agencies on Minnesota's work, not Washington's immigration paperwork; set clear limits on federal immigration enforcement on Minnesota ground; and guarantee equal protection and due process under our own laws.
SIGNFight3Keep the promises Minnesota made to its tribal nations.
- Sign the nation-to-nation executive order Day One: real government-to-government consultation with all eleven of Minnesota's tribal nations before any state action that touches treaty rights, run by a named office that reports in public — not a one-time handshake.
- Direct the Missing and Murdered Indigenous Relatives (MMIR) Office to act now — a public target to clear cold cases, reported every year — with the dollars to fully fund and staff it set in the first budget, so the office isn't an executive order a successor can quietly starve. *(The MMIR dollars land in the first budget — see Phase 4.)*
DO NOWFight1Open the contract talks you bargain on.
- Open contract talks with the state-employee unions in Week One and fight for the money to honor the raises they negotiate — attached to the rising cost of living, so a raise never quietly becomes a pay cut. I don't set your wage; I fund the deal you bargain. *(The dollars behind these deals land in the first budget — see Phase 4.)*
DO NOWFight2Catch fraud at the top, not at the kitchen table.
- Name the first Inspector General from the bipartisan list and point the watchdog up — at the powerful and the big providers — so every public dollar reaches the people it's meant for.
DO NOWFight3Your Range jobs are safe — and copper-nickel gets one clear water test, not an endless maybe.
- Taconite and iron mining are untouched and keep right on going — your jobs and your pensions protected — and the apprenticeships, North Star tie-in, and North-Minnesota jobs package are funded now, not someday (see Phase 4). The pause is on copper-nickel (sulfide) mining only, and on it the Range helps write the rules as a full partner on the task force, not lectured at from St. Paul.
- The pause on new copper-nickel lasts only as long as it takes to write one clear water rulebook — 12 months, a hard deadline, not an open-ended maybe. Every permit and state-land and mineral lease is paused while that standard gets written; then any project gets a straight yes-or-no against it on a fixed timeline — no endless limbo, and no thumb on the scale either way.
- A Sustainable Mining Task Force chaired by the tribal nations whose treaty waters and manoomin (wild rice) are on the line, with the building trades, miners, independent scientists, and downstream communities as full partners, has 12 months to publish a water-safe standard for non-ferrous mining no weaker than Minnesota's wild-rice sulfate standard — and we write that standard and that tribal co-stewardship into law so they outlast this office (5.8). This is a real bar, set honestly: no copper-nickel mine has ever run here, and this mining has fouled water nearly everywhere it's been tried, so clearing it is hard by design and we won't pretend otherwise. If a project ever does clear it, those are union jobs with Range workers first in line — earned at the bar, not promised around it.
DO NOWFight1Enforce the laws already on the books.
- Go after price-gouging, wage theft, and price-fixing with the laws we already have; enforce the corporate-farm law that keeps farmland in farmers' hands; and staff the complaint line so a report actually goes somewhere.
DO NOWFight1Stop paying extra to pad utility profits.
- Fill the boards that set your rates with regulators who'll make the profit power companies build into your bill no longer automatic — set instead by the Minnesota Public Utilities Commission, won in a public rate case (the same process that sets your electric and gas rates), so I report exactly where it stands at every step.
DO NOWFight1Care must not vanish from greater Minnesota.
- When a nursing home or home-care agency moves to close, the state arrives before the doors shut — funding options, a search for new operators, a plan for every resident — plus a rapid care team for the parts of greater Minnesota with too few doctors and nurses, and a farm crisis line that's always answered by a real Minnesotan who knows farming.
DO NOWFight1Bring down what you pay for medicine.
- Put the Prescription Drug Affordability Board to work pushing prices down on the drugs Minnesotans depend on most, and invest in Minnesota-made, low-cost generic medicines — the way California makes its own insulin — so prices fall at the pharmacy counter and good manufacturing jobs land here at home.
DO NOWFight1An old record shouldn't block a Minnesotan's future.
- Carry out the clean-slate and expungement laws on a published timetable, clearing old eligible non-violent records so a decade-old mistake stops blocking a job and an apartment today. Violent and serious offenses stay on the record.
DO NOWFight2Make the safety you already pay for work — and report it in public.
- Fund the right responder so that the answer to every 911 call is best suited for the emergency. This means creating new crisis, mental-health, and addiction response teams and strengthening the ones we already have — so police can focus on protecting communities from violent crime. Every year I publish a public report on 911 response times and case backlogs that digs into the local factors driving them — staffing, dispatch, distance, and call volume — paired with a task force that helps local governments find inefficiencies, improve care, strengthen responder training, and research mental-health resilience. And support nonviolent-communication and de-escalation training to support and train trusted neighbors in violence interruption, stepping in before harm spreads — with these dollars following the need, the most help where it's needed most. The lasting fix is opportunity, not just a faster response: the jobs, apprenticeships, and youth-into-trades pipelines that change a neighborhood's odds — the dated investment in North Minneapolis and beyond in 4.2. *(And I hold the badge to a real standard — catch problems early and get the worst actors out: see 3.10.)*
DO NOWFight2See how your government is doing.
- A public accountability dashboard — 911 response times, care and benefit wait times, the special-education and disability-waiver backlogs, open jobs — every number with an office responsible for it, contact information, and appropriate deadlines to act. This is what "make government accountable" looks like when it's real.
DO NOWFight3Clean water is the most basic kind of care.
- Well testing statewide, cost-sharing with farmers, starting in southeast Minnesota where nitrates can make babies sick, with treatment covered where a tap fails; and begin enforcing the groundwater fertilizer rules the EPA told Minnesota to act on in 2023, so a family farm is never billed alone for an aquifer it didn't poison. Getting nitrates down is a multi-year fight — I report the numbers every year until no family fears their own well.
DO NOWFight3Disabled Minnesotans belong in the community.
- Put the Olmstead Plan back to work with a named owner, hard deadlines, and public reporting, and put the disability-waiver waitlist on the dashboard so no family waits years for a life in their own neighborhood.
- And update the building code so new multifamily and state-funded housing is step-free to enter, wide enough for a wheelchair, and has a usable main-floor bathroom — accessible homes that widen the options a disability waiver can pay for, so an aging parent or a disabled Minnesotan can live in, or even visit, the homes we build.
DO NOWFight2Hold the badge to a standard — catch problems early, get the worst out of the rotation.
- I'll say it plainly: accountability. Public safety and accountability are the same promise, not opposites — and most officers never trip a single flag, so a clean record is a good officer's protection. A badge is a license like any other: a doctor, a nurse, or a teacher can lose theirs for serious misconduct, and police should meet that same standard.
- Every department that takes state public-safety money runs an early-intervention system — a support flag, not a punishment. When an officer's numbers add up — too many use-of-force reports, complaints found true, or any time someone is seriously hurt — a supervisor steps in early and the officer gets help: coaching, wellness support, and retraining, paid for by the state training fund so it's no new cost on small towns or the Range. The point is to fix a problem at complaint two, not headline one.
- I appoint the POST Board's members and will seat a board that uses its power to revoke the license of an officer — after a fair hearing with a lawyer — for serious, sustained misconduct: excessive force that seriously hurts someone, lying in the line of duty, bias-based policing, sexual misconduct, or failing to step in and report a fellow officer. I'll stand up and actually use the statewide misconduct database so a fired officer can't just turn in the badge here and get hired in the next county — and Minnesota reports it to the national index so other states can see it. Every year, the numbers — flags, retrainings, revocations — go on the public dashboard (3.7). Accountability protects the public and the good officers; it doesn't shield anyone.
DO NOWFight2Treat a hate crime like the crime it is.
- A bias attack on someone for who they are or how they pray is a hate crime, not vandalism — and it gets a real response. I stand up a dedicated bias-and-hate-crime unit at the BCA (the state crime bureau), one clear place to report, and training so a report never gets shrugged off — with a public count every year on the dashboard. Anti-Muslim and anti-Somali hate has been real and rising here; a family in Cedar-Riverside shouldn't have to prove its own fear.
- And I'll send the Legislature a bill to make a hate crime its own charge — a crime a prosecutor can bring on its own, not just a label added on to another charge after the fact. Today a bias motive mostly counts as a sentencing add-on; this makes targeting someone for who they are or how they pray a named crime in its own right. Send me the members who'll vote for it.
DO NOWFight1A $20-an-hour floor for the workers who keep care running — and it rises every year.
- Raise the provider rate toward a $20-an-hour wage floor for direct-care (DSP) workers — the dollars set in the first budget and scored by Minnesota Management & Budget — and tie that floor to the rising cost of living so it climbs every year and never quietly becomes a pay cut. That keeps group homes *and* in-home waiver care staffed. Seniors and disabled Minnesotans get the care they need, and the workers earn enough to spend in their local economy — easing the staffing shortage that hits rural Minnesota hardest.
DO NOWFight3Dates, not someday — for the Range and North Minneapolis.
- The Range gets dates, not just someday — in my first budget, with the same Minnesota Management & Budget-scored math as every other promise here: building-trades apprenticeships — good-paying union jobs in rural Minnesota, partnered with the North Star Promise (already-won, state-funded college) and apprenticeship opportunities so your kids can train up and keep working up north, a North Minnesota jobs package siting clean-energy and advanced-manufacturing supply chains in the region — and the same dated, name-the-place commitment for North Minneapolis: building-trades apprenticeships and youth-into-trades pipelines through North High and the neighborhood, apprenticeships and contracts that reach North Side workers and small businesses, and homes built back on the vacant lots. And the cost of the 2040 clean-energy transition stays off working families' heating and farm bills statewide — not just up North: propane, diesel, and grain-drying for a Nobles County or southwest-Minnesota farm protected the same as a furnace on the Range. *(I'll veto a transition bill that lands the cost at the farmgate or the home furnace, and use executive direction to hold those costs down while it's built.)*
DO NOWFight1Every worker, the same fair wage — funded, not just promised.
- Finish ending the sub-minimum wage that still lets employers pay disabled Minnesotans pennies on the dollar — completing the wind-down the state's own experts already mapped, and paying for it in the first budget (scored by Minnesota Management & Budget) so supported and customized employment and the provider rates are funded, not left to a vote. Every worker moving off a certificate lands in a real, funded job at a real wage that uses their specific talents and skills — no one leaves a certificate for a waitlist.
DO NOWFight3Fund the MMIR Office like the crisis it is.
- Fully fund and staff the Missing and Murdered Indigenous Relatives (MMIR) Office in the first budget, scored by Minnesota Management & Budget — a standing line, not a one-year grant the next administration can quietly drop — so the cold-case target set on Day One (1.6) has real investigators, real dollars, and a public count every year.
PASSFight1Build the homes, break the rent price-fixing, and cap the yearly hike at 3%.
- Build, build, build — state land and union labor behind starter, micro, manufactured, and factory-built homes, because more homes is what brings rent down. A dedicated greater-Minnesota build fund lays the sewer, water, and streets so towns like Worthington and the Iron Range can house the workers they need — packing-plant workers, miners, nurses — and we let cities and towns say yes to duplexes, fourplexes, and smaller lots without years of red tape — and we build where the need is highest and the room is tightest, too: deeply affordable, family-sized homes in dense, rent-burdened neighborhoods like Cedar-Riverside, where big families get squeezed into units built too small. A new building is free of the rent rules for its first fifteen years, so nothing we do ever slows construction — and after that, the same protections cover its renters too. Plus the greater-Minnesota broadband buildout with money already set aside, so no town is left offline.
- Then real renter relief. We ban the rent price-fixing software that lets rival landlords pool their private numbers and raise rents together instead of competing — RealPage is the best-known; the U.S. Justice Department has already taken it to court and Minneapolis has already banned it, and a 2024 White House analysis put the cost to Twin Cities renters at about $300 a month. Statewide, the ban protects every renter — even in brand-new buildings. We also cap junk and application fees, finishing the 2024 law, and add a just-cause rule: a landlord can always end a lease for a real reason — the tenant purposely vandalized the place, broke the lease, or the owner is taking the unit off the market — but can't push out a renter in good standing just to reset the rent. The Attorney General enforces it the way the state goes after any illegal price-fixing.
- And a speed limit on the increases themselves. On an existing building, rent can't jump more than 3% in a year — a renter who pays on time and follows the lease shouldn't be priced out of their own home overnight. We learned from St. Paul. Its 2021 rule was also a 3% cap, but it exempted no new construction, building permits dropped, and the city had to go back and bolt on an exemption in 2022. We build that fix in from the outset — a new building is exempt for its first fifteen years, the same runway Oregon and California give new construction, so builders have the long horizon they plan around and construction never stalls; after that, the 3% limit covers its renters too.
- And it aims at the price-fixers, not the family next door. If you own four or fewer rental units — or live in a small building of four or fewer — the 3% cap doesn't apply to you (that matches St. Paul's own rule). We count every unit an owner holds, including through an LLC, so a big landlord can't split a portfolio into shell companies to slip under the line — corporate and large-portfolio owners stay fully covered. And for a covered owner whose real costs outrun 3%, a documented-cost passthrough lets rent rise more — but only with receipts (property taxes, heat, insurance, real repairs), never above 8%, and never just for profit. The just-cause rule still protects every renter from being pushed out in good standing. You shouldn't be treated like RealPage for owning one duplex.
PASSFight1Child care your family can actually afford.
- A Child Care Affordability Task Force first researches how to meet the federal guideline — that no family pays more than 7% of its income for child care — county by county, and how to make it work, with the long-term aim of universal child care. Then we pass the law to fund it, with a first-biennium down payment scored by Minnesota Management & Budget and published before the vote — paired with provider-rate and supply funding so a covered slot is a real open slot, not a waitlist.
PASSFight1Fully fund our schools — starting with special education and class size.
- Close the special-education cross-subsidy — the roughly $750-million-a-year gap (and growing) that forces districts to raid regular classroom budgets — on a published, multi-year phase-in, the first-biennium down payment scored by Minnesota Management & Budget before the vote, so a child with a disability is funded *and* every other classroom stops paying for the shortfall.
- Write class-size limits into law — a hard cap in the early grades (starting at 20 students in K–3) and enforceable ratios in high-needs classrooms — which means teachers who are supported, not burned out, in good-paying jobs, giving our kids the attention they need to recover from the rocky years since COVID. And arrive with the teachers to meet the limits: retention pay, a special-ed and mental-health staffing pipeline, and a counselor or social worker within reach of every student. The cap is never an unfunded mandate.
PASSFight1A tax cut for working families, paid for at the very top — here's the math.
- Cut taxes for working families and pay for it with two new brackets on income over $1 million a year, a wealth tax on assets above $15 million — with your first home, your retirement savings, and the working assets of a family farm or family-run business exempt, so the land, equipment, livestock, and tools a family actually farms or actively runs are never what tip you over the line — and by closing the corporate loopholes big companies use to dodge their share. Only income above $1 million pays the new income rate — a household at $1.2 million pays it on the $200,000 over the line, not on the whole income. The wealth tax reaches the truly wealthy, not a paper-rich, cash-poor family farm or Main Street business; 99% of Minnesotans never touch it, and most get a cut. Every dollar scored by Minnesota Management & Budget and published before the vote.
PASSFight1Health care that stays open and costs less.
- Fund rural hospitals and ambulance services like the lifelines they are, and finish the public buy-in the 2023 Legislature already ordered — coverage anyone can buy into.
PASSFight1Property taxes that don't tax you out of your own home.
- Expand the homestead and renter's credits so seniors on fixed incomes and working families aren't taxed out of the homes and apartments they already live in.
PASSFight3Protect immigrant families in law, not just by signature.
- Write the Office of New Americans into law at full strength — today it exists only by an executive order the next governor could erase — to help immigrants and refugees find work, learn English, and start small businesses, and require a straight answer — in Spanish, Hmong, Somali, or whatever language you understand — at every agency you help pay for.
PASSFight3Put tribal consent and the clean-water mining standard into law.
- The affected tribal nations are sovereign nations, not stakeholders — Minnesota deals with them nation-to-nation. Write real consent into law, not just consultation: before the state acts on the water standard or on the treaty resources at stake — wild rice, the waters, the land — the affected nations have to give a free, prior, and informed yes (a real yes-or-no, with the full facts and the time to weigh it), not one meeting after the decision's already made. On the decisions a governor actually controls — the MPCA's mining permits, executive actions, and the state's own mineral leases and land swaps that touch treaty waters — the state will not move over the affected nations' objection. Pair it with a water-safe standard for non-ferrous mining (copper-nickel) no weaker than Minnesota's wild-rice sulfate standard, both written into law so clean water and treaty rights don't depend on who holds this office. The law already requires the state to weigh treaty rights on these waters — I'll honor that, not fight it. *Honest limit: a governor can bind her own agencies and the state's own land, and veto any bill that weakens this; she can't bind a future Legislature or the federal courts alone — so we make consent the floor everywhere the office reaches, and fight to make it law everywhere it doesn't yet. (The Range's jobs don't wait on any of this — they're funded now; see 4.2.)* Send me the members who'll vote for it.
PASSFight2Lock police accountability into law.
- The early-intervention system, the misconduct database, and the standard for revoking a dangerous officer's license shouldn't depend on who's governor — write them into law. Fund the early-intervention systems so they're never an unfunded cost on a small department; require that an officer fired for cause, or who quits while under investigation, is reported to the POST Board and can't be quietly rehired; and protect the officers who report a colleague's misconduct from retaliation. Send me the members who'll vote for it.
1Lower what you pay
Rent, child care, medical, utilities, school costs, taxes.
Guard the pocketbook laws Minnesota already won — for four years.
- The veto wall stands every day over the insulin cap, paid family leave, earned sick time, covered school meals, the Child Tax Credit, covered college tuition under $80,000 (the North Star Promise), and the climate law that puts Minnesota on clean electricity by 2040.
Open the contract talks you bargain on.
- Open contract talks with the state-employee unions in Week One and fight for the money to honor the raises they negotiate — attached to the rising cost of living, so a raise never quietly becomes a pay cut. I don't set your wage; I fund the deal you bargain. *(The dollars behind these deals land in the first budget — see Phase 4.)*
Enforce the laws already on the books.
- Go after price-gouging, wage theft, and price-fixing with the laws we already have; enforce the corporate-farm law that keeps farmland in farmers' hands; and staff the complaint line so a report actually goes somewhere.
Stop paying extra to pad utility profits.
- Fill the boards that set your rates with regulators who'll make the profit power companies build into your bill no longer automatic — set instead by the Minnesota Public Utilities Commission, won in a public rate case (the same process that sets your electric and gas rates), so I report exactly where it stands at every step.
Care must not vanish from greater Minnesota.
- When a nursing home or home-care agency moves to close, the state arrives before the doors shut — funding options, a search for new operators, a plan for every resident — plus a rapid care team for the parts of greater Minnesota with too few doctors and nurses, and a farm crisis line that's always answered by a real Minnesotan who knows farming.
Bring down what you pay for medicine.
- Put the Prescription Drug Affordability Board to work pushing prices down on the drugs Minnesotans depend on most, and invest in Minnesota-made, low-cost generic medicines — the way California makes its own insulin — so prices fall at the pharmacy counter and good manufacturing jobs land here at home.
An old record shouldn't block a Minnesotan's future.
- Carry out the clean-slate and expungement laws on a published timetable, clearing old eligible non-violent records so a decade-old mistake stops blocking a job and an apartment today. Violent and serious offenses stay on the record.
A $20-an-hour floor for the workers who keep care running — and it rises every year.
- Raise the provider rate toward a $20-an-hour wage floor for direct-care (DSP) workers — the dollars set in the first budget and scored by Minnesota Management & Budget — and tie that floor to the rising cost of living so it climbs every year and never quietly becomes a pay cut. That keeps group homes *and* in-home waiver care staffed. Seniors and disabled Minnesotans get the care they need, and the workers earn enough to spend in their local economy — easing the staffing shortage that hits rural Minnesota hardest.
Every worker, the same fair wage — funded, not just promised.
- Finish ending the sub-minimum wage that still lets employers pay disabled Minnesotans pennies on the dollar — completing the wind-down the state's own experts already mapped, and paying for it in the first budget (scored by Minnesota Management & Budget) so supported and customized employment and the provider rates are funded, not left to a vote. Every worker moving off a certificate lands in a real, funded job at a real wage that uses their specific talents and skills — no one leaves a certificate for a waitlist.
Build the homes, break the rent price-fixing, and cap the yearly hike at 3%.
- Build, build, build — state land and union labor behind starter, micro, manufactured, and factory-built homes, because more homes is what brings rent down. A dedicated greater-Minnesota build fund lays the sewer, water, and streets so towns like Worthington and the Iron Range can house the workers they need — packing-plant workers, miners, nurses — and we let cities and towns say yes to duplexes, fourplexes, and smaller lots without years of red tape — and we build where the need is highest and the room is tightest, too: deeply affordable, family-sized homes in dense, rent-burdened neighborhoods like Cedar-Riverside, where big families get squeezed into units built too small. A new building is free of the rent rules for its first fifteen years, so nothing we do ever slows construction — and after that, the same protections cover its renters too. Plus the greater-Minnesota broadband buildout with money already set aside, so no town is left offline.
- Then real renter relief. We ban the rent price-fixing software that lets rival landlords pool their private numbers and raise rents together instead of competing — RealPage is the best-known; the U.S. Justice Department has already taken it to court and Minneapolis has already banned it, and a 2024 White House analysis put the cost to Twin Cities renters at about $300 a month. Statewide, the ban protects every renter — even in brand-new buildings. We also cap junk and application fees, finishing the 2024 law, and add a just-cause rule: a landlord can always end a lease for a real reason — the tenant purposely vandalized the place, broke the lease, or the owner is taking the unit off the market — but can't push out a renter in good standing just to reset the rent. The Attorney General enforces it the way the state goes after any illegal price-fixing.
- And a speed limit on the increases themselves. On an existing building, rent can't jump more than 3% in a year — a renter who pays on time and follows the lease shouldn't be priced out of their own home overnight. We learned from St. Paul. Its 2021 rule was also a 3% cap, but it exempted no new construction, building permits dropped, and the city had to go back and bolt on an exemption in 2022. We build that fix in from the outset — a new building is exempt for its first fifteen years, the same runway Oregon and California give new construction, so builders have the long horizon they plan around and construction never stalls; after that, the 3% limit covers its renters too.
- And it aims at the price-fixers, not the family next door. If you own four or fewer rental units — or live in a small building of four or fewer — the 3% cap doesn't apply to you (that matches St. Paul's own rule). We count every unit an owner holds, including through an LLC, so a big landlord can't split a portfolio into shell companies to slip under the line — corporate and large-portfolio owners stay fully covered. And for a covered owner whose real costs outrun 3%, a documented-cost passthrough lets rent rise more — but only with receipts (property taxes, heat, insurance, real repairs), never above 8%, and never just for profit. The just-cause rule still protects every renter from being pushed out in good standing. You shouldn't be treated like RealPage for owning one duplex.
Child care your family can actually afford.
- A Child Care Affordability Task Force first researches how to meet the federal guideline — that no family pays more than 7% of its income for child care — county by county, and how to make it work, with the long-term aim of universal child care. Then we pass the law to fund it, with a first-biennium down payment scored by Minnesota Management & Budget and published before the vote — paired with provider-rate and supply funding so a covered slot is a real open slot, not a waitlist.
Fully fund our schools — starting with special education and class size.
- Close the special-education cross-subsidy — the roughly $750-million-a-year gap (and growing) that forces districts to raid regular classroom budgets — on a published, multi-year phase-in, the first-biennium down payment scored by Minnesota Management & Budget before the vote, so a child with a disability is funded *and* every other classroom stops paying for the shortfall.
- Write class-size limits into law — a hard cap in the early grades (starting at 20 students in K–3) and enforceable ratios in high-needs classrooms — which means teachers who are supported, not burned out, in good-paying jobs, giving our kids the attention they need to recover from the rocky years since COVID. And arrive with the teachers to meet the limits: retention pay, a special-ed and mental-health staffing pipeline, and a counselor or social worker within reach of every student. The cap is never an unfunded mandate.
A tax cut for working families, paid for at the very top — here's the math.
- Cut taxes for working families and pay for it with two new brackets on income over $1 million a year, a wealth tax on assets above $15 million — with your first home, your retirement savings, and the working assets of a family farm or family-run business exempt, so the land, equipment, livestock, and tools a family actually farms or actively runs are never what tip you over the line — and by closing the corporate loopholes big companies use to dodge their share. Only income above $1 million pays the new income rate — a household at $1.2 million pays it on the $200,000 over the line, not on the whole income. The wealth tax reaches the truly wealthy, not a paper-rich, cash-poor family farm or Main Street business; 99% of Minnesotans never touch it, and most get a cut. Every dollar scored by Minnesota Management & Budget and published before the vote.
Health care that stays open and costs less.
- Fund rural hospitals and ambulance services like the lifelines they are, and finish the public buy-in the 2023 Legislature already ordered — coverage anyone can buy into.
Property taxes that don't tax you out of your own home.
- Expand the homestead and renter's credits so seniors on fixed incomes and working families aren't taxed out of the homes and apartments they already live in.
2Make this office answer to you
Open books, no insider deals, a watchdog pointed up at the powerful, not down at families.
Government should answer to you.
- Ethics order on Day One: publish every conflict-of-interest report, ban insider stock trading by me and my appointees, make government open by default — no gag orders, no secret silence deals. Answer records requests on time and in full, and protect every whistleblower.
Catch fraud at the top, not at the kitchen table.
- Name the first Inspector General from the bipartisan list and point the watchdog up — at the powerful and the big providers — so every public dollar reaches the people it's meant for.
Make the safety you already pay for work — and report it in public.
- Fund the right responder so that the answer to every 911 call is best suited for the emergency. This means creating new crisis, mental-health, and addiction response teams and strengthening the ones we already have — so police can focus on protecting communities from violent crime. Every year I publish a public report on 911 response times and case backlogs that digs into the local factors driving them — staffing, dispatch, distance, and call volume — paired with a task force that helps local governments find inefficiencies, improve care, strengthen responder training, and research mental-health resilience. And support nonviolent-communication and de-escalation training to support and train trusted neighbors in violence interruption, stepping in before harm spreads — with these dollars following the need, the most help where it's needed most. The lasting fix is opportunity, not just a faster response: the jobs, apprenticeships, and youth-into-trades pipelines that change a neighborhood's odds — the dated investment in North Minneapolis and beyond in 4.2. *(And I hold the badge to a real standard — catch problems early and get the worst actors out: see 3.10.)*
See how your government is doing.
- A public accountability dashboard — 911 response times, care and benefit wait times, the special-education and disability-waiver backlogs, open jobs — every number with an office responsible for it, contact information, and appropriate deadlines to act. This is what "make government accountable" looks like when it's real.
Hold the badge to a standard — catch problems early, get the worst out of the rotation.
- I'll say it plainly: accountability. Public safety and accountability are the same promise, not opposites — and most officers never trip a single flag, so a clean record is a good officer's protection. A badge is a license like any other: a doctor, a nurse, or a teacher can lose theirs for serious misconduct, and police should meet that same standard.
- Every department that takes state public-safety money runs an early-intervention system — a support flag, not a punishment. When an officer's numbers add up — too many use-of-force reports, complaints found true, or any time someone is seriously hurt — a supervisor steps in early and the officer gets help: coaching, wellness support, and retraining, paid for by the state training fund so it's no new cost on small towns or the Range. The point is to fix a problem at complaint two, not headline one.
- I appoint the POST Board's members and will seat a board that uses its power to revoke the license of an officer — after a fair hearing with a lawyer — for serious, sustained misconduct: excessive force that seriously hurts someone, lying in the line of duty, bias-based policing, sexual misconduct, or failing to step in and report a fellow officer. I'll stand up and actually use the statewide misconduct database so a fired officer can't just turn in the badge here and get hired in the next county — and Minnesota reports it to the national index so other states can see it. Every year, the numbers — flags, retrainings, revocations — go on the public dashboard (3.7). Accountability protects the public and the good officers; it doesn't shield anyone.
Treat a hate crime like the crime it is.
- A bias attack on someone for who they are or how they pray is a hate crime, not vandalism — and it gets a real response. I stand up a dedicated bias-and-hate-crime unit at the BCA (the state crime bureau), one clear place to report, and training so a report never gets shrugged off — with a public count every year on the dashboard. Anti-Muslim and anti-Somali hate has been real and rising here; a family in Cedar-Riverside shouldn't have to prove its own fear.
- And I'll send the Legislature a bill to make a hate crime its own charge — a crime a prosecutor can bring on its own, not just a label added on to another charge after the fact. Today a bias motive mostly counts as a sentencing add-on; this makes targeting someone for who they are or how they pray a named crime in its own right. Send me the members who'll vote for it.
Lock police accountability into law.
- The early-intervention system, the misconduct database, and the standard for revoking a dangerous officer's license shouldn't depend on who's governor — write them into law. Fund the early-intervention systems so they're never an unfunded cost on a small department; require that an officer fired for cause, or who quits while under investigation, is reported to the POST Board and can't be quietly rehired; and protect the officers who report a colleague's misconduct from retaliation. Send me the members who'll vote for it.
3Protect your land, water, and freedom
No one outside your household gets to override the people inside it.
No government in your family's medical decisions.
- The veto wall guards your freedoms for four years: your private medical decisions stay between you and your doctor — including the right to an abortion, with no government in the exam room. No special session, no court fight, and no pressure out of Washington moves this desk.
- And the same wall stands for transgender Minnesotans and their families: the care they count on — counseling, hormone therapy, and the other medically recognized treatment their own doctors provide — stays legal and protected, the way the Trans Refuge law already promises, with those decisions left to patients, parents, and physicians, not politicians. A free state does not let one family's rights be traded away to score points on another's.
Stop selling Minnesotans' private lives.
- Bar the state from selling your location and health data to brokers, and require a warrant before any bulk surveillance. You shouldn't be logged, located, and sold for going to work, to church, to a mosque, or to a clinic. The warrant rule covers everyone the same — real threats still get investigated, with a warrant — but no one gets watched for how they pray. That ends the state's part in the kind of religion-based monitoring that singled out Somali and Muslim Minnesotans in Cedar-Riverside after 2001.
Your trooper patrols your roads, not your neighbor.
- Keep the State Patrol and state agencies on Minnesota's work, not Washington's immigration paperwork; set clear limits on federal immigration enforcement on Minnesota ground; and guarantee equal protection and due process under our own laws.
Keep the promises Minnesota made to its tribal nations.
- Sign the nation-to-nation executive order Day One: real government-to-government consultation with all eleven of Minnesota's tribal nations before any state action that touches treaty rights, run by a named office that reports in public — not a one-time handshake.
- Direct the Missing and Murdered Indigenous Relatives (MMIR) Office to act now — a public target to clear cold cases, reported every year — with the dollars to fully fund and staff it set in the first budget, so the office isn't an executive order a successor can quietly starve. *(The MMIR dollars land in the first budget — see Phase 4.)*
Your Range jobs are safe — and copper-nickel gets one clear water test, not an endless maybe.
- Taconite and iron mining are untouched and keep right on going — your jobs and your pensions protected — and the apprenticeships, North Star tie-in, and North-Minnesota jobs package are funded now, not someday (see Phase 4). The pause is on copper-nickel (sulfide) mining only, and on it the Range helps write the rules as a full partner on the task force, not lectured at from St. Paul.
- The pause on new copper-nickel lasts only as long as it takes to write one clear water rulebook — 12 months, a hard deadline, not an open-ended maybe. Every permit and state-land and mineral lease is paused while that standard gets written; then any project gets a straight yes-or-no against it on a fixed timeline — no endless limbo, and no thumb on the scale either way.
- A Sustainable Mining Task Force chaired by the tribal nations whose treaty waters and manoomin (wild rice) are on the line, with the building trades, miners, independent scientists, and downstream communities as full partners, has 12 months to publish a water-safe standard for non-ferrous mining no weaker than Minnesota's wild-rice sulfate standard — and we write that standard and that tribal co-stewardship into law so they outlast this office (5.8). This is a real bar, set honestly: no copper-nickel mine has ever run here, and this mining has fouled water nearly everywhere it's been tried, so clearing it is hard by design and we won't pretend otherwise. If a project ever does clear it, those are union jobs with Range workers first in line — earned at the bar, not promised around it.
Clean water is the most basic kind of care.
- Well testing statewide, cost-sharing with farmers, starting in southeast Minnesota where nitrates can make babies sick, with treatment covered where a tap fails; and begin enforcing the groundwater fertilizer rules the EPA told Minnesota to act on in 2023, so a family farm is never billed alone for an aquifer it didn't poison. Getting nitrates down is a multi-year fight — I report the numbers every year until no family fears their own well.
Disabled Minnesotans belong in the community.
- Put the Olmstead Plan back to work with a named owner, hard deadlines, and public reporting, and put the disability-waiver waitlist on the dashboard so no family waits years for a life in their own neighborhood.
- And update the building code so new multifamily and state-funded housing is step-free to enter, wide enough for a wheelchair, and has a usable main-floor bathroom — accessible homes that widen the options a disability waiver can pay for, so an aging parent or a disabled Minnesotan can live in, or even visit, the homes we build.
Dates, not someday — for the Range and North Minneapolis.
- The Range gets dates, not just someday — in my first budget, with the same Minnesota Management & Budget-scored math as every other promise here: building-trades apprenticeships — good-paying union jobs in rural Minnesota, partnered with the North Star Promise (already-won, state-funded college) and apprenticeship opportunities so your kids can train up and keep working up north, a North Minnesota jobs package siting clean-energy and advanced-manufacturing supply chains in the region — and the same dated, name-the-place commitment for North Minneapolis: building-trades apprenticeships and youth-into-trades pipelines through North High and the neighborhood, apprenticeships and contracts that reach North Side workers and small businesses, and homes built back on the vacant lots. And the cost of the 2040 clean-energy transition stays off working families' heating and farm bills statewide — not just up North: propane, diesel, and grain-drying for a Nobles County or southwest-Minnesota farm protected the same as a furnace on the Range. *(I'll veto a transition bill that lands the cost at the farmgate or the home furnace, and use executive direction to hold those costs down while it's built.)*
Fund the MMIR Office like the crisis it is.
- Fully fund and staff the Missing and Murdered Indigenous Relatives (MMIR) Office in the first budget, scored by Minnesota Management & Budget — a standing line, not a one-year grant the next administration can quietly drop — so the cold-case target set on Day One (1.6) has real investigators, real dollars, and a public count every year.
Protect immigrant families in law, not just by signature.
- Write the Office of New Americans into law at full strength — today it exists only by an executive order the next governor could erase — to help immigrants and refugees find work, learn English, and start small businesses, and require a straight answer — in Spanish, Hmong, Somali, or whatever language you understand — at every agency you help pay for.
Put tribal consent and the clean-water mining standard into law.
- The affected tribal nations are sovereign nations, not stakeholders — Minnesota deals with them nation-to-nation. Write real consent into law, not just consultation: before the state acts on the water standard or on the treaty resources at stake — wild rice, the waters, the land — the affected nations have to give a free, prior, and informed yes (a real yes-or-no, with the full facts and the time to weigh it), not one meeting after the decision's already made. On the decisions a governor actually controls — the MPCA's mining permits, executive actions, and the state's own mineral leases and land swaps that touch treaty waters — the state will not move over the affected nations' objection. Pair it with a water-safe standard for non-ferrous mining (copper-nickel) no weaker than Minnesota's wild-rice sulfate standard, both written into law so clean water and treaty rights don't depend on who holds this office. The law already requires the state to weigh treaty rights on these waters — I'll honor that, not fight it. *Honest limit: a governor can bind her own agencies and the state's own land, and veto any bill that weakens this; she can't bind a future Legislature or the federal courts alone — so we make consent the floor everywhere the office reaches, and fight to make it law everywhere it doesn't yet. (The Range's jobs don't wait on any of this — they're funded now; see 4.2.)* Send me the members who'll vote for it.